Migrant kids

The border town of Nogales, Ariz., seen Sunday, July 20, 2014, has a federal detention center used to house unaccompanied migrant children.

Ricky Carioti | The Washington Post

PHOENIX — Before they sloshed and skidded across the Rio Grande, Greysi and Claudia Paula had never been on a plane.

Now the teenage Honduran sisters are frequent fliers, crisscrossing America on government chartered jets and settling into commercial airliner seats at taxpayer expense.

In the harried and jumbled scramble to house a wave of unaccompanied minors illegally entering the United States, U.S. officials ordered the girls flown from Texas to Arizona, from Arizona to Oklahoma and from Oklahoma back to Arizona — all in a matter of weeks.

Their jagged 3,000-plus mile trek is one of hundreds outlined in confidential Department of Homeland Security emails and extensively detailed Honduran diplomatic journals reviewed by The Washington Post. The documents show that Central American children, almost all of whom will be released to relatives while they await court hearings, are being sent on meandering, circular and often illogical odysseys. Frequently, children are being apprehended in the border states where their families live and flown thousands of miles to shelters and detention facilities, only to be flown back to the border states where their U.S. journeys started.


The pinballing in the skies over America illustrates the extent to which the U.S. immigration system was caught unprepared. Too many kids, too few beds and intense political pressure on officials to deal quickly with the flood of young migrants have resulted in an expensive, inefficient shuffle.

“It doesn’t make sense,” said Tony Banegas, the Honduran honorary consul in Arizona, who has interviewed more than 400 children, most of whom were flown from Texas to a federal detention center in the border town of Nogales, Ariz. “They were not prepared.”

Quietly, it appears, the federal government has begun to recognize the problem and take small steps to address the logistical chaos. In response to questions from The Washington Post, a spokesman for the Department of Health and Human Services, which is responsible for making decisions about the children’s travel and placement, said a pilot program was launched to reunite children with families at some federal facilities in the Rio Grande Valley rather than first sending them to temporary government facilities at military bases or privately contracted shelters.

“We try to minimize travel,” HHS spokesman Kenneth Wolfe said in an email. “But it depends on the availability of (unaccompanied minor) shelter beds at the time.”

Wolfe declined to comment on individual cases and said he could not provide information about how much the government is paying for the children’s travel within the United States. A spokesman for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which operates the flights under a system known internally as “ICE Air,” declined to discuss costs or logistics.

Search for beds

The search for beds is sometimes leading to almost surreal scenarios, with kids bouncing back and forth between the same locations. The experience of Greysi, 15, and Claudia Paula, 17, is a case in point. The Washington Post was granted access to their records, and those of other children, by Banegas, the Honduran diplomat, under the condition their last names not be used.

The girls are from Saba, a small town in northern Honduras plagued by drug violence. Their parents left when they were babies, and they were living with their grandparents. The death of their grandfather finally pushed the girls to undertake a days-long bus trip through Guatemala and Mexico to be reunited with parents they knew only as flickering images on occasional Skype calls.

They were taken into custody late last month in Texas and spent a night in the border town of McAllen at a detention center dubbed “the icebox” by migrant children because the air conditioning is set to such a low temperature that kids have to huddle together for warmth.

Upside-down world

From Texas, Greysi and Claudia Paula were flown on a government chartered flight to Arizona and taken to a federally run center in Nogales, near the Mexican border, that was temporarily being used to process unaccompanied minors.In the upside-down world of this border crisis, the trip to Nogales represented progress for the girls. Their parents live in Phoenix, a three-hour drive to the north.

“Now, you’re close,” their mother, Elsa, recalled telling the girls when they phoned from Nogales. “Oh, my God, I’m so happy.”

But days later, there was another call. Elsa learned the girls weren’t being driven to her but instead were being flown to Oklahoma, more than 900 miles east, to a temporary shelter at Fort Sill, an Army post.

“My world collapsed,” said the mother, who hadn’t seen her daughters since they were toddlers. “I had my girls so close. Now they were going so far.”

Puzzling decision

The decision puzzled Banegas. The day after the girls were sent to Oklahoma, he got an email notification from the Department of Homeland Security showing a half-dozen beds were available in Arizona. And not just in Arizona, but in Phoenix, only minutes from the apartment the girls’ parents rent on a street where almost all the businesses have signs in Spanish.

In Nogales, the girls said, they had to sleep on a concrete floor. The conditions in Fort Sill were better: They slept in beds and were given fresh clothes.

They stayed in Oklahoma more than a week, then boarded another plane — a commercial airliner, according to interviews with the sisters and their parents.

Finally, after three flights, numerous van rides to and from shelters and approximately three weeks and thousands of miles — the girls were released from federal custody. They are living with their parents in Phoenix and awaiting a court appearance to determine whether they can remain in the United States.


Shuffling children from state to state is expensive. HHS, which runs the Office of Refugee Resettlement, has a budget of more than $860 million to cover costs such as housing and feeding the unaccompanied minors.

In recent months, federal officials have searched for places to house the children. They encountered protests and reluctant politicians. Currently, the government uses a network of about 100 privately operated shelters scattered across the country, some as far from the border as Virginia, New York and New Jersey.

Federal officials would not explain why children are often housed so far from where they are taken into custody. Wolfe, the HHS spokesman, did not respond to requests to provide the total capacity of shelters.

Children also are being housed at three converted military sites: Fort Sill, Lackland Air Force Base in San Antonio and Naval Base Ventura County in California. The military sites have room for 3,000 children. A fourth — Joint Base Lewis-McChord in Washington state — is being considered as housing for 600 children, but plans have not been finalized.

‘Where am I?’

People who spent time with the kids said they seem disoriented, not only from their treacherous trip to the border but also from their circuitous U.S. travels.

“I don’t think my family knows where I am,” Paula McPheeters, a retired schoolteacher and volunteer translator, remembers children saying. “How are they going to know where I am?”

They also almost always had another question for her: “Where am I?’”

One boy in particular sticks out in her mind, a wisp of a child named Oscar, whose family lives in Waco. “When he crossed that river he knew that he was getting really close to his mother,” McPherson said. Now he couldn’t understand why he wasn’t in Texas anymore.

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